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Indian history: INC
The Indian National Congress was founded in December 1885. Though in 1851 the British Indian Association had been formed in Calcutta and about the same time in the Western Presidency the Bombay Association was set up and though these were in a sense the forerunners of the more broad-based all-India political organization, namely, the Indian National Congress, yet a whole generation had to pass before the Congress could be established in 1885. This gap represents the period of the first War of Independence of 1857-58, its suppression and the aftermath.

    Since the middle of the nineteenth century various associations were being formed to ventilate the grievances and aspirations of politically conscious Indians. As early as 1843 the British India Society was founded in Bengal. Later, in 1851 Rajendra-lal Mitra and Ramgopal Ghose formed the British Indian Association. At about the same time the Bombay Association was started by Juggan Nath Sarkar, Dadabhai Naoroji and others. Poona also organized its public life through the Poona Sarvajanin Sabha.

   In 1876 Surendranath Banerjea founded the Indian Association in Bengal. One of the main objects of Surendranath and the Indian Association was the unification of the people of India on the basis of common political interests and aspirations. The Indian Association at that time used to represent and reflect public opinion from Peshawar to Chittagong.

     The time had meanwhile become ripe for the formation of an all-India political organization. At the first National Conference at Calcutta held in 1883 Surendranath Banerjea suggested that an all-India political organization be formed. In fact, while the second National Conference was being held at Calcutta, the Indian National Congress, the first effective all-India political organization, was established at Bombay. The National Conference later merged itself into the Indian National Congress.

    In view of the growing impoverishment of the people under foreign rule, the formation of political associations became necessary for ventilating the grievances of the people. Though the language of the resolutions of some of the early Congresses was moderate, it is significant that the poverty of the people under imperial rule engaged the attention of Congressmen from the very beginning and resolutions regarding the same were, in fact, passed as early as 1886 and 1887. Thus, the formation of political organization, here as elsewhere, was in no small measure the result of economic compulsion.

   Congressmen were acutely conscious of the fact that the people were increasingly being impoverished under British rule. Romesh Dutt, who became the president of the Congress in 1899 and who was a distinguished economic historian of modern India, attributed the poverty of India to the exploitation of the country by British rulers. The poverty of the Indian people was unparalleled.  The famines which desolated India during the last quarter of the nineteenth century were unexampled in their extent and intensity in the history of ancient or modern times. "By a moderate calculation the famines of 1877 and 1878, of 1889 and 1892, of 1897 and 1900, have," he recorded, "carried off fifteen millions of people. The population of a fair-sized European country has been swept away from India within twenty-five years. A population equal to half of that of England has perished in India within a period which men and women, still in middle age, can remember.

     India's agriculture and industry rapidly declined under British rule. In the eighteenth century India was a great manufacturing as well as an agricultural country, and the products of Indian looms used to be sold in the markets of Asia and Europe. "It is", wrote Romesh Dutt, "unfortunately true that the East India Company and the British Parliament, following the selfish commercial policy of a hundred years ago, discouraged Indian manufacturers in the early years of British rule in order to encourage the rising manufacturers of England. Their fixed policy, pursued during the last decades of the nineteenth century, was to make India subservient to the industries of Great Britain, and to make the Indian people grow raw produce only, in order to supply material for the looms and manufactories of Great Britain. This policy was pursued with unwavering resolution and with fatal success; orders were sent out to force Indian artisans to work in the Company's factories; . . . prohibitive tariffs excluded Indian silk and cotton goods from England; English goods were admitted into India free of duty or on payment of nominal duty.

   Referring to this phenomenon even H.H. Wilson, the British historian, remarked that the British manufacturer employed the arm of political injustice in order "to keep down and ultimately strangle a competitor with whom he could not have contended on equal terms". As a result millions of Indian artisans lost their earnings. It was a painful episode in the history of British rule in India but it was a story, wrote Romesh Dutt, which had to be told to explain the economic condition and miseries of the Indian people.
    The feature of India's foreign trade which had far-reaching consequences on the economy of India was the uncompensated or unrequited surplus of exports from India. The East India Company pursued a policy of purchasing Indian goods out of the revenue collected from Bengal and of exporting them to England. These purchases were euphemistically called "investments" and these "investments" constituted a disastrous drain of the wealth of the country.

     William Digby, after taking into account the transfer of treasures on private individual accounts and also after taking into account the export surplus that appeared in official trade statistics, estimated that "probably between Plassey and Waterloo a sum of ?,000 millions was transferred from Indian hoards to English banks."6 On this basis the average drain was ?7.2 millions per annum. Professor Furber, an American investigator, whose estimate was far more conservative, however, wrote: "The drain towards the West should not be reckoned as exceeding ?.9 millions annually during the period 1783-93.

    The kind of charges and expenses that were debited to India appeared "preposterous" even to outside observers, such as, Leyland Jenks, an American writer. "The cost of the Mutiny, the price of the transfer of the Company's rights to the Crown, the expense of simultaneous wars against China and Abyssinia, every governmental item in London that remotely related to India down to the fees of the charwoman in India House and expenses of the ships that sailed but did not participate in hostilities, all the cost of Indian regiments for six months training at home before they sailed-all were", wrote Jenks, "charged to the account of the unrepresented riot.

      Speaking in London in 1871 Dadabhai Naoroji, one of the early Congress leaders, sought to quantify the loss that India had suffered by reason of the drain of her wealth to Britain. He said that the drain, up to that time, from India to England, was more than ?500,000,000 at the lowest computation in principal alone and that the further continuation of this drain was then at the rate "of above ?12,000,000 with a tendency to increase."8 It was because of this drain and the consequent continuous impoverishment and exhaustion of the country that the material condition of India was such that the great mass of the poor people hardly had, said Dadabhai, "Id. a day and a few rags or a scanty subsistence."

    The cause of India's economic degradation was this incessant drain other wealth. Dadabhai wrote that "not till this disastrous drain was duly checked and not till the people of India were restored to their natural rights in their own country was there any hope for the material amelioration of India". Further, the drain of the wealth of India not merely impeded capital formation in the country, the British by bringing back to India the capital which they had drained from the country secured almost a monopoly of all trade and important industries and thereby further exploited and drained India.

    Towards the end of the nineteenth century the economic situation in the country was extremely unsatisfactory and there was great discontent among the people. Allan Octavius Hume, who had been a member of the covenanted Civil Service and who had access to confidential documents, was greatly disturbed about the deteriorating economic situation.11 From a study of these documents he was convinced12 that "at the time (about fifteen months, I think, before Lord Lytton left) that we were in imminent danger of a terrible outbreak... I was shown seven large volumes.. .containing a vast number of entries ... all going to show that these poor men of the lowest classes were persuaded with a sense of the hopelessness of the existing state of affairs, that they were convinced that they would starve and die, and that they should do something. They were going to do something . . . and that something meant violence."13 In 1872 Hume warned Lord Northbrook: "Your Lordship can probably hardly realize the instability of our rule... I am strongly impressed with the conviction that the fate of the empire is trembling in the balance and that at any moment; some tiny scarcely noticed cloud may grow and spread over the land a storm raining down anarchy and devastation."

   Though many regard Hume as the father of the Indian National Congress, in fact various circumstances and movements of the past prepared the ground for and culminated in the formation of an all India political organization-the Congress. The Congress had its roots in the separate political associations that already existed in various parts of India and was watered by controversies over the Vernacular Press Act, the Arms Act, the reduction of the age limit for entrance into the Indian Civil Service and the Ilbert Bill.

    But neither Hume nor the seventy-two delegates, who were "pressed and entreated to come" to the first Congress that met at Bombay in December 1885, could fully anticipate that the Congress would later become a militant nationalist organization that would launch civil disobedience movements to terminate British rule and establish swaraj. Early Congressmen were moderate in their political demands. They did not want to terminate British rule immediately; they wanted to liberalize that rule.

   Yet with the passage of time even the moderates became more and more critical of British rule. In 1898 Dadabhai Naoroji, the moderate leader, said: "... we cannot help feeling that... (The Queen's) Proclamation for the welfare of her people has been interpreted by her ministers in exactly the opposite light to that in which we view them."

Reason for the rise of Indian nationalism and the establishment of INC

English Education
In 1813, the East Indian Company Charter had directed the Company to take measures for the "introduction of useful knowledge and religious and moral improvements?  As a result, schools and colleges imparting Western education in the English language were built.  Education in English flourished especially under the governor-generalship of Bentinck, with the coming of Macaulay.  With his recommendation, English was made the official language of British India in 1835 was allocated for English education.

The objectives of introducing western education varied:
The increase in the administrative duties of the Company and the expansion of trade created a demand for Indians who could read and write English.  More schools were built to cater for this need and in 1857; the first Western-type university was built at Calcutta.  It was followed by the establishment of universities in the other capital cities - Bombay, Madras and Allahabad.
Besides meeting an immediate need, English education was intended to achieve other objectives.  One of these was, in the words of Macaulay, "to form a class, Indian in blood and color, but English in tastes, in opinion, in morals and intellect,?  Macaulay intended that this group of English-educated would pass on the English language, culture, traditions and values to their own countrymen, and become the interpreters of the British to the Indians.
On a less idealistic plane, it is said that the British intended to create a middle class which would serve as an agency of the imperialist economy? that was, a class which would import British manufactures and develop India's resources to pay for them.
A less diabolical reason was that the British could, with English education, create a class of Indians who could manage the subordinate administrative services in the Government and in business.  This class of Indians would be as efficient as but very much cheaper than Europeans but the higher executive positions in administration were to be out of their reach.
It was hoped that English education would bring in converts to Christianity.
However, the effects of English education were not very favorable to the British. It turned out to be an important reason for the rise of Indian nationalism which resulted in a fading of British influence and final independence of Indian.  Briefly speaking, the effects of education on nationalism were:
It created the Indian middle class comprising by and large the professional men - lawyers, civil servants, doctors, writers, journalists, publishers, engineers, school-teachers.  Even though they were from different backgrounds (different castes, or spoke different languages at home) English education gave them a common interest and outlook, a common language and behavioral pattern.  They were the first to break caste or regional barriers and to develop a sense of unity and solidarity which made possible the development of nationalism.
Indian abroad, studying in England and Europe or traveling on business, were amazed and pleased to find that foreigners regarded them as belonging to one nation, and not to various states, language groups or castes.  It brought home the fact that they were, after all, one people.
English education gave them access to a new world, new ideas and a fresh viewpoint from which to survey their own society.  The works of Burke, Bentham, and the philosophical radicals were widely read.   As one English historian, P.E. Roberts, observes, "We attempted to raise a race of administrators on the literature of revolt"?  As English education spread, it was inevitable that there would develop increasing demands for liberty with which the English were so much concerned.
English education equipped Indians for jobs done by Englishmen in India.  It was natural that the English-educated Indians should want the jobs Englishmen with equivalent qualifications were holding in India.  The failure or reluctance of the British to grant them these jobs caused much ill-feeling and antagonism.  It generated anti-government feeling amongst Indians, causing them to unite in opposition to discrimination.  It provided a fertile ground for the growth of Indian nationalism.
Finally, through the efforts of Europeans scholars, India's glorious past came to be reconstructed.  The founding of the Asiatic Society of Bengal and the research that was carried out into the past history revealed to the Indians that they had rich culture of their own. This gave them a new sense of pride and served as a tremendous impetus to the development of nationalism.

British attitude towards the Indians
     British discrimination against the Indians also aroused the anger of the Indians.  The Indian gradually realized they could exert pressure on the British if they could break through the traditional barriers and join together.  The discriminatory policies could be noticed in the civil service, teaching service, industrial and military aspects, the Arms Act, Vernacular Press Act and the Ilbert Bill.  
Discrimination in the civil service
Since the days of Cornwallis (1785 -93) the East India Company had excluded Indians from positions of trust and responsibility.  The Charter Act of 1793 excluded Indian s from jobs carrying a salary of more than 700 per annum. A change of heart was witnessed by the Charter Act of 1833 which stated that no native should be disabled from holding any place, office or employment by reason only of his religion, place of birth, descent, color or any of them.  Equality of opportunity was reaffirmed in 1858.  Competitive examinations were opened to both Indians and Europeans.  The British were still reluctant to admit Indians and excuses were used to exclude them. Although the examinations were held in English, they included Latin and Greek, giving the English boy as a decided advantage.  The examinations, moreover, were held in England.  It was expensive for Indians to make the trip to a foreign county 6,000 miles away to take an examination to qualify them for service in their own country.  Besides, for the higher castes, it also involved the possible loss of social position.

Another device to excluded Indians was to lower the age limit for entry into the Indian civil service. The age limit for candidates was lowered from 28 to 19.  The Indians regarded this as a clear attempt to exclude them, for by 19 years an Indian candidate, unless he was exceptionally brilliant, could not hope to have mastered English, Latin and Greek to complete with English boys.  Protests were made but the British government stood firm. As the number of graduates from Indian universities increased, so did the demand for admission into the civil service.  Between 1857 and 1885, about 50.000 Indians had been qualified for university education, but only 12 had been admitted into the Indian service.
Discrimination in the teaching service
          In teaching service, Indians suffered serious disabilities.  They could not become headmasters of certain schools which were reserved for Englishmen. They drew lower salaries than their British counterpart even though they had the same qualifications, or had even graduated from the same universities. They salaries of Indian teacher, instead of going up, went down.

 Industrial and military aspect
          High positions in commercial and industrial bodies were held by British./ The drain of wealth out of India also antagonized the Indians. The drain was due to military expenditure, especially in wars in which the Indians did not have any legitimate interest.

          Meanwhile, the British passed laws to protect their own industries against competition from Indian textiles. IN the name of free trade the import duties on cotton goods in Indian were lowered from 10% to 5% in 1861 and in 1878 it was abolished.  In 1882, all customs duties except those on liquor, arms and salt were abolished. Thus, the country lost its revenue and increases the burden of the Indians.

Arms Act, Vernacular Press Act
     These two acts were passed to prevent violence and were greatly resented by the Indians.  This was particularly the case of the Vernacular Press Act which required the Indians' newspaper not to publish anything likely to excite feelings of dissatisfaction against government.  However, the English paper was exempted from this act.

The IIbert Bill
The British believed Indians to try Englishmen was inconceivable.  A law was passed whereby no European person could be tried by a judge who was not himself a European.  When Ripon became viceroy in 1880, he wanted to pass the Ilbert Bill to remove this practice.  The English in India bitterly attacked this.  Faced with almost complete unofficial opposition, Ripon was forced to tone down the bill. The judges were to be saddled with jurors or assessors who were to be English or American. Thus theoretical equality was established but in practice, the English in Indian had won this round.  The Ilbert Bill showed the Indians that they could not depend on others to fight fro their rights . They had to fight for these themselves.  The Indians of Calcutta were quietly organizing the first National Conference.  And two years later, the first Indian National Congress was held.  Thus, it formally began the Indian National Movement.

Result of British administration in India
the consolidation of British rule
     India had been divided by numerous political unites before the coming of the British. The British, however, brought the country under one rule and made the Indians aware of the fact that they belonged to the same country.  In this way, the consolidations of British rule created conditions favorable for the growth of nationalism.
the introduction of common law
          This not only brought the people of diverse languages, customs and conditions together, but made them realize they all belonged to one nation.
the removal of caste system
          Another stumbling block in the development of nationalism was the Indian caste system.   But slowly under British rule, their barrier was removed and Indians to diverse races and languages came into contact with each other.  This naturally facilitated the growth of nationalism.
Improvement in communication
With the introduction of better roads and railways, different parts of the country were linked up.  These developments in communication provided the Indians with new means for contact and were one of the factors for the rise of nationalism.

II. Political bodies before the INC
British Indian Association (1851)
It was one of the earliest political organizations in India.  It was founded in Calcutta and its outlook was of an all-India nature.  On its foundation, it immediately got in touch with political figures all over India and it encouraged the formation of similar bodies in Poona, Madras and Bombay. Some of its demands were:
The executive branch of the Government should be divorced from its legislative branch.
A supreme legislative council be established which reflected the sentiments of the people.  It therefore called fro Indian representation which foreshadowed later demands by the Congress.
It called for simultaneous examinations for entry into the Indian civil service.

     The members of the British Indian Association were largely aristocracy and landowners of Bengal, Bibar and Orissa.  They had wealth, social position and Western education.  The association, thus composed, was not surprisingly a moderate and conservative body and was only looked upon with favor by the British government.  Its members were frequently called upon to serve on the Bengal legislative council.

Indian Association (1876)
There were however, many English-educated Indians who did not have wealth or social position but they were the more progressive of the western-educated.  They were members the newly-emerging middle class. Their interests and those of the landed Indians did not correspond.  They wanted changes and reforms in British rule in India; amongst these they wanted the introduction of elections, for only through popular support could they hope to win a place in the councils of the nations.
They broke away from the British Indian Association and formed the Indian League in 1875 which was replaced by the Indian Association in 1876.  It was led by Banerjea.  He explained the significance of the Indian Association.  He described it as the centre of an all-India movement.? The main objects were:
To unify the Indian races and people on the basis of common political interest and aspiration.
To promote friendly feeling between Hindus and Muslims
To include the masses in the great pubic movements of the day

In practice, he led the Indian s in protesting the government's attempt to lower the age limit for civil service exams, the Vernacular press Act and the Ilbert Bill.

 ** National Groups in India
Raja Rammohan Roy (1772-1833) (ÕÃË£¡¢ÕÃØ°ùÖ¡¢Ñçì¥)
He was the father of Indian Modernization
1828, he set up Brahman Samaji ÛïÞä
one-god worship
rejection on idol worshipping
The precepts of Jesus?The gate of peace and happiness?were written by him.
Significance:
The first people concerned the Indian modernization, social traditions and education/
Preached freedom, science and modernization
Raised sexual equality and women rights.

               1861-1941 (Rabirdranath Tagore) ôÉ÷ÁÍüì³
Questioned the colonial rule of Britain and demand for reformation in India.
Religious Reformation concerned groups:
Brahma Society (ÛïÞä)
Aryan Samaj (äº××äÌ) set up in 1875, leader: Gujarati-Brahmin-Swam- Dayananda.
Pranthana Sanraj (ÜØ××Þä)
Ramkrishna Samaj (ÍÈú¼Þä) ÕÃإк××ýéÕÃ
Theosophical Society (ãêùÊÞä)
The National Conference in Calcutta
These issues - the lowering of the age of entry into the Indian civil service, the Vernacular Press act and the Ilbert Bill - awakened political India to a high pitch.  They paved the ground for the national conference in Calcutta in 1883.  This conference was very much the idea of Banerjea.  He declared, "the objects of the National Conferences are not sectional, nor regional but truly national?our idea is to bring the national forces, so to speak, to a focus, and to concentrate on achieving a common object.?There were more than a hundred delegates from all over India.  The usual problems of education, representation in the Government, etc. were discussed.  It held its second conference in 1885, to which over thirty political associations in North India sent representatives.  At the same time, the Indian National Congress met for the first time in Bombay.

III. The Indian National Congress
Origin/ Nature of the INC
As a British-inspired organization
This belief seemed to stem from the fact that from the start A.O. Hume was closely associated with it.  He was a liberal and he was the first secretary general and together with several other Englishmen, in particular William Wedderburn, became stalwarts of the Congress in its early years.  Even Gandhi refers to Hume as the Father of the Congress.
However, there was difference between Hume and the general goals of the Congress.  He proposed a social organization whereas the Congress was political.  Hume wanted an annual conference of Indian leaders to discuss social problems, since political ones were already catered to by the existing political bodies.  He saw the necessity of channeling Indian discontent into acceptable and responsible organizations, and he was undoubtedly sincere in his sympathies for the Indian cause.
It was also argued that the British government, through its agents, might have fostered the congress to build up loyalty against the eventuality of Russian attack.  The argument was weak.  If such was the case, it is difficult to explain government antagonism towards the Congress.
As an organization formed by liberal-minded persons
More likely, Hume, Wedderburn, Naoroji and Banerjea had a great deal in common.
Liberal-minded, they were typically the men of the times, slightly ahead of their fellows.  They had the compassion and the dedication to serve their fellows in a way they knew best - by appealing to the British.

Objects
At its first session in 1885 the Congress defined its objects under four headings:
To promote "personal intimacy and friendship"?amongst Indian politicians;
To promote national unity
To establish the considered opinions of the educated Indians on the important social and political questions of the day;
To determine the action to be taken in the next twelve months.

Organization
A national congress
It was intended to make the Congress a national one.  In 1888, in an attempt to maintain a united national front, the INC tackled the problem of communalism.  It passed a resolution that no subject shall be passed for discussion by the subjects committee to the introduction of which the Hindu or Muslim delegates as a whole object?  This was intended to reassure the Muslims in India and more particularly, in the Congress, that there would be no attempt by the majority to overawe the minority.  This was a Hindu organization in one Congress although there were representatives of Muslim (Muslim League).
Its constitution and rules
In1899, the Congress decided that it should have a constitution and a few rules regarding the composition of the reception committee and the raising of funds for its expenses were drawn up.  It was decided also that continuous work throughout the year should be carried out by standing committees and provisional conferences.  That means, there was no formal executive body.
Its flexibility
The Congress retained the virtue of flexibility but only at the expense of efficiency and effectiveness. The Congress actually came to life as an organized and corporate body for only three days in a year - during its sessions.
Composition
English-educated elite
The members of the Indian National Congress were, by and large, the English-educated middle class Indians.  Bengalis of Calcutta formed a very sizeable proportion but the other university towns of Madras and Bombay were also responsible for many members.  The majority in the Congress were Brahmins since they were the traditional learned men in India.  Many of them were lawyers and Arts graduates.  They formed what we might describe as the English educated elite.
Their ideas
They had in common an absolute faith in the essential goodness of the English people, though there were some exceptions, such as Tilak.  These early leaders of India believed most passionately that if only they could make the British and their parliament aware of the true state of Indian affairs, the causes of Indian discontent could be swept away.  They were, with a few exceptions, completely loyal to the British.  Men like Naoroji and Banerjea therefore worked in England to advance
their cause.
Famous members and their contribution
The first to journey to England to work for the Indian cause was the old man Ram Moham Roy, in 1830, followed by Naoroji in 1853, and Banerjea.  They worked to bring together Englishmen and Indians.  For this purpose they formed the London Indian Society which was soon superseded by the East India Association formed in 1866.
In 1833, Naoroji brought out a monthly publication, Voice of India.  It brought to the notice of the parliament, journalists and the British public at large the nature of Indian discontent and Indian needs.  In the same year the Indians in England set up an Indian Constitutional Reform Society.  After the Congress was formed, Indians in “England became closely associated with it.
Congress Resolutions
Judged from its resolutions, the Congress showed maturity at its very inception.  For twenty years, one could say for almost thirty years, the resolutions were almost the same.  The conclusion was quite obvious.  The Government paid little heed to the resolutions and the achievement of the INC was therefore small.
Abolition of the India Council
From the first congress, resolutions were passed calling for the abolition of the India Council.  It was considered to be largely obstructionist and reactionary, comprising as it did many old India hands.  It was one of the bodies that had opposed the Ilbert Bill.  In its place, the Congress proposed a standing committee of the House of Commons to advise the Secretary of State.  But nothing was done in this aspect.
Introduction of elections
The Indian Council Act of 1861 provided for nominated Indian representatives in the supreme and provincial legislative councils.  The Congress, however, wantedthese representatives elected.  In 1886 it resolved that 50% of the membership of these concils should be elected representatives, but it conceded that the Government should be able to overrule the councils' decisions and that indirect elections would be tried first.  These resolutions were repeated annually from 1887 to 1891 and they were met partially by the Act of Council Reform of 1892.
The call for Indian participation in government
The Congress called also for the right of interpellation, that is, the right to demand explanations from the Government.  It wanted the budget to be discussed in the legislative council and it called for the creation of more such councils.  If the governor overruled the majority decision of the council he had to explain his action to the standing committee within a month.  But again, the British refused to make such concession.
Attack on the combination of executive and legislative functions
It was not surprising that the Congress took over many of the problems of earlier Indian leaders.  R. M. Roy in his day had campaigned against the combination of judicial and executive functions in the same person which made them prosecutor, judge and jury.  Such a situation was attacked by the Congress resolutions.  Once again, nothing was achieved.
Attacks on discriminatory policies
The Congress also concerned itself with all forms of discrimination against Indians.  The examination for entry into the Indian civil service was a natural subject.  Even before 1885, there had been demands for simultaneous examinations. Similar calls were made in 1886, 1888 etc, by the Congress.  In 1893, a resolution was passed by the parliament to lift its limitations against the Indians.  But the Secretary of State for India deliberately sabotaged its execution.  He wrote to the government of Indian stating that it was essential for the maintenance of British supremacy to have a sufficient number of Europeans in the civil service.
They also opposed Viceroy Curzon who passed the 1904 universities Act to control tertiary education which was the life spring of the Indian middle class.  His partition of Bengal, seen as a n attempt of divide and rule, was also strongly attacked by the Congress.
Meanwhile, they attacked the lowering of tariff on British imports because it favored British products at the expense of the Indians.  Later, it opposed the imposition of duties on Indian exports to Britain.  Yet, they failed to achieve significant results.  Indian industries continued to suffer.  Britain turned to tariff protection when other European countries turned to tariff war.
In military aspect, the INC demanded the reduction of military expenses, setting up military colleges and recruiting Indian volunteers. However, the Third Anglo-Burmese war and later First World War increased military expenditure; whiel the Indians still got little chance to become senior officers.
Weaknesses
Muslim attitude
An ominous sign at the early beginning was the unsympathetic attitude of the Muslim community.  Its leader, Sir. S. Ahmad, considered the Congress to be dangerous to the Muslim minority.  The leaders of the Congress mainly came from the townsmen.  The majority was lawyers, teachers, journalist, Indian officials and even a few Englishmen.  In fact, it was a new rising middle class movement.  The Muslims, taking little part in Western education, shared little with these men.  They were suspicious of the Hindus and were afraid that their success might endanger the position of the Muslims.
Being too passive
The Congress marked a political movement rather than a political party.  As Hira Singh points out,"Talk (written and spoken), was their first and last weapon.? Elsewhere, describing the leadership, Singh says, "The Congress leadership was in the hands of those who barked well but shrank from biting.  As a matter of fact, the Congress was concerned with reforms.  It attempted to influence the government within the existing institution.
Idealism of the Congressmen
The Congress leaders had a touching faith in the British.  They were closely aligned with the Liberal Party, since the Conservative Party rejected Indian overtures.  One of the Congress resolution read, "Government should conciliate Indian public opinion and encourage and qualify the Indians to defend their homes and government.? The Congress felt that if the Liberals came to power, their case would have a fair hearing.  In these twenty years the liberals were in office for only four years, and the Congress went on hoping for a break.
Limited support
The Muslims were hostile to the INC but even within the Hindus community, it could win limited support.   In its first congress, it only included 70 delegates.  It represented only the Middle class, thus gaining limited support from the other sectors of the population.  Thus, Viceroy Dufferin described it as "Microscopic minority?  P. Spear described it as"bourgeoisie nationalism? Even though at the time of the Bengal partition, the INC was still able to rally support of the Indians.  Not until the rise of Gandhi in the 1920s did the Indian nationalist movements acquire a popular backing.
Weakness in organization (refer to section C 2, 3)
British reaction (refer to section G)
Split between the moderates and extremists (refer to section H)